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.H942 
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SPEECH 



OP 



R. M. T. HUNTER, OF VIRGINIA, 



ON 



The resolution of notice to Great Brilain to abrogate the convention oj joint 
occupancy relative to the Oregon territory. 



DELIVERED IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, JANUARY 10, 184C. 



Mr. HUNTER rose and addressed the Flouse 
as follows : 

Mr. Chairman: I was one of those who regretted 
that this debate should have arisen when it did. I 
regarded it as premature and unfortunate, and I 
feared that it might add to the difficulties in the way 
of a wise and dispassionate settlement of the que.s- 
tion before us. But, so much has now been said, 
that a yet fuller development of the opinion of this 
House is perhaps due to the country, and ourselves. 
For myself, I have been the more anxious to ex- 
press my opmions at an early stage of the debate, 
becau.se I foresaw that I should be separated from 
many, perhaps from most of my political friends 
upon the question before us. 1 am happy to believe, 
however, that the differences between us are not so 
wide and deep as to be irreconcilable. This dilfer- 
'ence relalesnot somuch totheend which we all desire 
to attain, as to the means by which it is to be pur- 
sued. From what 1 liave gathered of the opinions 
of this House, I believe that all desire the pos- 
session of Oregon, not only up to the parallel of 49^, 
but to that of 54° 40.' Nearly all, so far as I am 
informed, believe that our title to this country is 
good, not only to the 49th parallel, but up to that of 
54° 40\ I, for one, entertain that opinion. The 
whole question between us is as to the be.st. a 
wisest means of attaining an end which we al] equal- 
ly desire. Mr. Chairman, 1 have expressed the 
opinion, that, without regard to the distinctions of 
party or of sections, al! of us desire the pos.session 
of the whole territory in Oregon, to which we are 
entitled. There is no man with an American heart 
in lii^ bosom who could be insensible to the pros- 
pect of planting our flag and our settlements upon 
the shores of the Pacific. There is no such bosom 
which would not swell with emotions of hope and 
of pride at the prospect of the influence, commercial, 
political, and military, which we should derive from 
a position on the shores of Oregon and California, 
should we be so fortunate as to be able to obta.in the 
last by just and equitable means. Looking to the 
map of the globe, and taking the world over with 
a view to its social and political relations, and to 
physical characteristics, there is no such position 
for military strength and commercial suprpmacy, as 



we shall occupy if our settlements should cover the 
whole breadth of the continent from the Atlantic tO' 
the Pacific ocean, underourpresent form of govern- 
ment. In the centre, lies the vast valley of the Missis- 
sippi, destined to be no: only the hive, but the 
storehouse of nations, and impregnably secured be- 
hind tiie Alleghanies on the one side, and the 
Rocky mountains on the other. In time <yi 
war, a mighty reserve, ready to debouch on 
either the Atlantic or the Pacific slope, to over- 
whelm with irresistible force any foreign invasion, 
and able in time of peace — teeming, as it will be, 
with jieople and resources — to cherish and sustain 
a vast commerce on either sea. l-Vom the Chesa- 
peake northward, our harbors and rivers, commu- 
nicating with vast inland seas, give us the most 
commanding commercial position on the vast basiri' 
of the Atlantic, which receives the waters and the 
commerce of most of the large rivers of the world. 
With Oregon and California, oar position on the- 
Pacific would be nearly as commanding. We should 
hold the advanced posts on the line of commercial 
interchanges between the civilized portion of the 
world, and most of that which is semi-civilized or 
barbarous; and we should probably become the 
centre of commercial transit (jetween the two seas. 
The possession of Oregon, and the peaceful acqui- 
sition of California, would place this Union in a po- 
sition of impregnable strength and stable greatness^ 
with one arm on the Atlantic sea and the other on 
the Pacific shore,.ready to strike in cither direction 
with a rapidity and an efficiency not to be rivalled' 
by any nation on the earth. 

I know that these speculations on the fut4ire are 
uncertain and often dangerous; but it would seem to 
be next to impossible that, with this position, and 
with all these elements of military strength and of 
political and commercial greatness, we should not 
be able, not only to command the largest share of 
the commerce of both seas, but also to protect and 
advance the march of civilization throughout the 
entire extent of this continent. With these views 
of the subject, how could I be insensible to the iro- 
portance of maintaining our claims to Oregon? But 
shall we best promote our purpose by adopting the 
recommendation of the Committee on Foreign Af- 



fairs in relation to the notice? With great defer- 
ence to tiieir matured and, perhaps, better opinion, 
I must say that I think not. To determine this 
question, it vvill be necessary to ascertain, as far as 
possible, the probable consequences of either course, 
as we may give, or refiise to give, the notice for the 
t-erminatiofi of the convention of joint occupancy. 

Let us, then, Mr. Chairman, examine this ques- 
tion calmly and dispassionately. Let us view this 
subject under none of the hallucinations of national 
pride; let us approach it in no boastful or braggart 
spirit, and with no disposition to use it as the mere 
means of .flattering national vanity. Let us come 
to it in that higher spirit which conscious strength 
should inspire — with the feelings of those who are 
too well satisfied of our title to the respect of tlie 
world, and of our ability to hold our own, to be- 
lieve that it can either be necessary or dignified to 
deal in extravagant pretension orexaggerated asser- 
tion. If tliere be such a spirit of inquiry in this body 
to which I may address myself, I would ask, what 
are to be the consequences if we give the notice? Ifthe 
notice be given, the best result which can possibly flow 
from It will be an adjustment of the difficulty by trea- 
ty, upon the basis of a boundary on the 49th parallel 
oi latitude. Under existing circumstances, we can 
expect no better treaty, and it is manifest that we 
will take lunhing worse. It is absurd to suppose 
that Great Britain will offer to give us more than 
we have agreed to take. If this matter be amicably 
a.djusted, it is evident, under the existing state of 
the negotiations, that we get nothing beyond the 
49th parallel. Now, Mr. Chairman, such an ad- 
justment, in my opinion, would be far better than 
the doubtful chances of a war under the circum- 
stances which at present surround us. But I should 
<:«rtainly prefer the whole country up to 54° 40', if 
tJiere be means compatible with the peace and honor 
of the nation, as I think there are, by vvhich we 
should probably obtain the whole territory. But 
hov/ do those gentleman stand who support this 
resolution as a peaceful measure, and yet maintain 
that we can take nothing less than our whole claim 
on Oregon. If the measure be peaceful, is it not 
n»nifest that, by adopting it, they essentially aban- 
don the whole country north of the 49th parallel? 
If they adopt it as the means of obtaining the whole 
country, they can only do so upon the supposition 
that it is to lead to war, and that thus we shall ob- 
tain tlie whole. I shall presently endeavor to ascer- 
tain what would be the probable consequences under 
that conjuncture of circumstances. But here I must 

Jause to say, that I do not mean to disparage or 
laapprove the proposition made by the adminTstra- 
tion to settle the question amicably upon the basis 
Ota boundary along the 49th parallel. Under the 
Ciixumstances, and from the course of previous ne- 
gotiations, the President could have done no less 
than to have made such an offer. It was due to 
public opinion at home and abroad, it was due to 
our national character, and the great interests of 
humanity, that he should manifest a desire to do 
much for an honorable peace. The terms which he 
offered would have been considered by each party 
to the dispute as falling short of the full measure of 
iheir just clainris, but in the more impartial, hut, per- 
haps, less informed opinion of the residue of the 
civilized world, they would have been regarded as 
feir, equitable, and honorable to both countries. He 
■would have done much, too, for the country in 
t'hus securing, by peaceful and honorable means, 
iui advanced post for Our population up to the 49th 



I O O U 

parallel. He would" have acquired, as far as I have 
been able to inform myself, much the most valuable 
portion of the country, both for commercial and 
agricultural purposes. I know that the chairman 
of the Committee on Foreign Affairs has expressed 
a different opinion. But with great deference and 
respect for that opinion, I must be allowed to de- 
clare my dissent from it. The opposite opinion ex- 
pressed by JMr. Grecnhow, to whose enlightened 
researches the country is so much indebted, seems to 
me to be sustained upon better grounds. The har- 
Isor of Port Discovery, of which Vancouver speaks 
in terms so high, and the harbors on Admiral!}'' 
inlet, are said to be admirably adapted to the uses of 
commerce. 

As I am informed, they are better not only in nat- 
ural capacity, but from position, than those higher 
up on the coast. Of the superior agricultural ad- 
vantages of the portion of the territory below the 
49th parallel, I presume there can be no doubt, 
and I think they are very generally admitted. The 
President might well suppose that he would effect 
much in securing the }->eaceful progress of our in- 
fant settlement in Oregon up to the 49th paraliel; and 
this being done, he might safely leave it to time nnd 
American enterprise to do the rest. But, Mr. 
Chairman, let me return to the inquiry into the 
probable consequences of giving thia notice. I have 
said that the best possible result would be an adjust- 
ment on the basis of a boundary along the 49th 
parallel; but I have seen nothing as yet to convince 
me that it was the most probable result. If the 
minister from Great Britain refused to consider this 
proposition, when made in the course of an amica- 
ble and courteous correspondence, is it very proba- 
ble that she will be more inclined to accept it when 
we give the notice, under circumstances which im- 
ply that she must either agree to our proposition, or 
go to war for the whole country? If the British 
minister represented the real views of his govern- 
ment, is it probable that with their dispositions that 
government will be the more inclined to accept our 
offer on account of the threat which it may suppose 
to be implied by our giving the notice? If she re- 
ally designs to go to war, rather than compromise 
upon the terms which we proposed, is there any- 
thing unreasonable in supposing that she might 
think the present time and circumstances as favora- 
ble as any likely to occur for striking the blow? If she 
really attaches the importance to her whole claim on 
Oregon, which many seem to imagine, and regards a 
war for it as inevitable, will she not think that the 
sooner she strikes the bio w the better for her? Or if, on 
the other hand, she is anxious to settle the question 
amicably, and desires nothing more than terms 
which may be regarded as honorable by her own 
people and by the world, will this spirit be conciliated 
by our giving the notice, and by the circumstances 
under which it will be given? To sum up the whole, 
is it not manifest, on the one hand, that if this step 
should lead to war, we give to Great Britain, in- 
stead of reserving it to ourselves, the advantage of 
choosing her own lime for it? If, on the other hand, 
this be designed as a peace measure, is it not niore 
likelj' to defeat, than to encourage a rericwal of ne- 
gotiations in a sensitive and hii;h spirited people? 
Such seems to me to be its probable ten- 
dencies; and unless Great Britain should tkink 
this disputed territory to be of little value 
to her, however important it might be to u.";, 
and unless shei'ntertains a strong desire for peace, 
I can see no other result to flow from this notice so 



probable af?^ that of war. One thing ia perfectly l 
clear; this measure must, either lead to a settlement | 
on the basis of a boundary along the 49th parallel, 
or it must produce war. Our western friends say 
tha: they will be content with nothing less than the 
whole extent of our claim; and if this be so, is not 
war inevitable, under present circum.stances? If war 
13 to be the mode of settling thi.q question at last, it 
would seem to me that it would be far wiser to pre- 
serve the present state of affairs, that we may be 
able to choose our own lime for fighting;, and select 
a period when we were better prepared for the con- 
test, and when the attendant circumstances might be 
more propitious. Let us look, Mr. Chairman, into 
the circumstances under which this war would now 
be waged, and ascertain, if we can, it;i probable con- 
saquences. Have we made any of tlie military 
p.'-eparations necessary for such an even'J AVould 
one, or even two years, suffice tor the preparation 
proper for such a contest? If war be inevitable, is 
not our internal condition such as to make delay 
desirable.' The whole country is just recovering 
from a deep financial depression. Many of the 
Slates are either unable, or barely able, to pay their 
own debts. They are not in a condition to bear 
the v/eight of internal taxation, which must be one 
of the main resources of the v/ar. A few years 
hence, a different and more favorable state of things 
might be fairly expected. What, let me ask, would 
be our position in the public opinion of the world.' 
We brealc off the negotiation because our proposi- 
tion v/as not accepted, and we give the notice under 
circumstances which proclaim that there must be 
war, unless she will settle the question upon our own 
tc^ms. She has otTered us a mode of settling this 
dispute, now universally regarded amongst civilized 
nations as a fair and hono-'able method of adjusting 
national controversies — I mean arbitration. This 
we have already refused; nor do I disapprove of 
t}iat rcfu.'jal, under the circumstance.s then existing. 
She will probably offer it again, and we shall again 
refuse it. I do not stand here, ]Nlr. Chairman, as 
the advocate of arbitration; upon tliat question I 
have nothing to say at present; I am merely deal- 
ing in facts, with a view to the consequences. 
We shall again refuse arbitration, Mr. Chairman; and 
why? Because we .?ay there are nosie of the nations 
of the world whose governments are honest and im- 
partial enough to decide this controversy between us 
This may all be so; but will a refusal of arbitration 
for such reasons be likely to v.^in us much of the 
sympathy of the world? Under these circum- 
staniies, am 1 wrong in supposing that the world 
will be apt to regard us as the aggressor? The pub- 
lic opinion of Christendom would be thus defied at 
tlie time when Great Britain has a better under- 
slauding with the continental states of Europe than 
she has ever enjoyed at any previous period of her 
history, bo far as I am acquainted with it. The 
"cordial understanding" between herself and France, 
her ancient enemy and our former ally, is notorious 
throughout the world. Under these circumstan- 
ces, what chance should we have for cither sympa- 
thy or assistance from any of these powers in the 
cventof a v,rar? But this is not the whole view of 
the existing state of our foreign relations, and its 
connexion with our prospects in a war. If we have 
a war with Great Britain about this time, shall we 
not probably have Mexico also on our hands? It 
is knov/n that she is sore under recent occurrences, 
and it is equally notorious that she is much under 
Britijjh influence. We should probably have a war 



not ortly for Oregon, bat Texas also. The Indi<in 
tribes beyond the Rocky mountains are known to be 
under the influence of the Hudson Bay Company, 
and it is probable that most of the wesiern Indians 
would take sides with Great Britain in the event of 
a war between her and this country. Under these 
circumstances, what would become of Oregon, and of 
our infant settlements on the Columbia? 1 believe it 
is the opinion of our best military authorities, and, 
indeed, the very general opinion, that, during the 
war, Oregon itself must be abandoned, and that we 
should have to strike in <' anada, and upon the seas. 
And yet gentlemen coolly demand war, or what 
will lead to war, as a duty which we owe our peo- 
ple in Oregon, when it is manifest ihatthe very first 
step of that war would be to abandon them unpro- 
tected to British troop.si, to the Hudson Bay Com- 
pany, and their savage allies — to a war, unless they 
at once made terms for themselve.s, as likely to be 
signalized by all the circumstances of barbaric 
atrocity as any of which we have an account. Those 
unfortunate people might well ask the chairman of 
Foreign Affaire if this be what he calls 'Vacking of 
his friends?" In such a contest, is it not probable 
that Oregon would be lost only to be recovered, if 
ever, by another war, to be undertaken at a more 
auspicious period? If this struggle were now to be 
commenced, I do not believe that there would even 
be an effort made to send troops to Oregon. It. 
v/ould be regarded as a waste of men and means, at 
a time when, with Mexico to the southwest, with the 
Indian tribes on our western frontier, with British 
and Canadian troops on our north, and with British 
fleets covering the eastern and southern line of our 
coast, wc should be encircled as with a wall of fire. I 
doubt not but that we should emerge* from it victo- 
rious. It is not on the soil which v/e occupy thai 
we can be conquered, or even be worsted. I hiive 
full faith in American spirit and patriotism. But 1 
do not believe that we should pass unscathed through 
that fiery trial, nor ought we to task too higi;!y 
those great qualities of our people by exposing ihem 
to unnecessary difficulties, i\s we should do if we en- 
gage in a war before we are prepared for it, or if wc 
make war to attain what might be had far more cer- 
tainly and honorably by peaceful means. That we 
should come out of such a contest witii honor, I do 
not doubt; but that we should lose as much or more 
of Oregon than would be given up by any treaty 
likely to be made, I regard as also probable. If war 
be the only mode of maintaining our rights in Ore- 
gon, that war ought to be deferred, as it is manifest 
that our chances for success must increase with eve- 
ry year of delay. But if there be peaceful and hon- 
orable means (as I shall endeavor to show hereafter) 
which would more probably give us the whole terri- 
tory, we owe it to ourselves and to the world to adopt 
them. 

But gentlemen have promised that if war be onee 
commenced with Great Britain, we shall terminate 
it by driving her from this continent, and depriving 
her of all that she claims or possesses upon it. 1 
do not stand here, Mr. Chairman, to take issue with 
that proposition; I mean neither to aflirm nor deny 
it. I will not even a.sk if "our old men see visions 
and our young men dream dreams." I will suppose 
the anticipation to be true; and I shall endeavor to 
trace sueh a war as this would be to its consequen- 
ces, to .see if the chanco or the certainty of acquiring- 
Oregon a few year.s sooner, would compensate w 
for them. 

Mr. Chairman, 1 know of no instatice m whidi 



nation, pretending to independence, and the equality 
supposed to result from it, has yielded up the 
whole subject of dispute which had led to the ware 
There is, it is true, more than one shining instanc. 
in which a nation has conquered its independence 
without impairing the posiiion of equality of its op- 
ponent. There are instances, too, in which a con- 
quered people liave yielded all. But I know of no 
treaty in modern times, between equals, in which 
one of the parties, after a war, has given up the 
whole subject in controversy without an eq;uvalent. 
There may be such instances, but T do not remem- 
ber one, even in the most succes.sful period of the 
career of Napoleon. Neither Marengo nor Auster- 
■litz ever gave him such results in his treaties with 
Austria. Of all the European nations, Great Brit- 
ain is the most distinguished for the pertinacity with 
which she has hitherto struggled for her rights and 
her honor. Now, Mr. Chairman, is there a man 
amongst us who supposes— does the wildest dream- 
er of us all believe— that she would ever close 
a war by yielding not only the whole subject in dis- 
pute, but her own undoubted territory until she had 
first waged it, and been defeated in it, as a war not 
only of mastery, but of existence .> Would her sa- 
gacious statesmen be slow to perceive that any 
treaty which branded her with the visible stamp of 
inferiority alter a war, would be the sure precursor 
of her downfall.' She knows that the hungry 
and expectant eye of continental Europe is fixed 
upon the prey which a division of her mighty cm- 
pu-e would afford. She is aware, too, that the cal- 
culation has already been made as to how far the 
invention of steam has destroyed the security of 
her natural defences— of her insular position. She 
r,o longer feels able to continue the proud boast that 
'•Britannia needs no bulwarks, no towers along the 
s;eep;" for slie is now engaged in constructing coast 
defences. She must feel that the whole charm of her 
powerhes in the idea of her invincibility on the s-as 
and in her colonial possessions. To destroy by her 
one act this idea, would be to hold forth the signal for 
tiie eagles to gather to the banquet, and would involve 
the loss of power, empire, and character itself. Can I 
be mistaken in supposing that a war which brought 
her to such a conclusion, would probably be the 
longest and bloodiest ever known in the annals of 
mankind } Gentlemen have promised that this 
thing shall be done. I do not stand her to dispute 
It. In the event of a war, I wish that they may 
be able to make good tlieir words. But before 
this can be accomplished, we must track the British 
lion in his blood from the rising to the setting sun. 
We must hunt him from stronghold to stronghold, 
until we have pursued him throughout the circum- 
ference of the globe. Every sea, every clime must 
become familiar w'ah the noise of the terrific 
strife. Far distant people, nations to whom as yet 
we are scarcely known, must be startled at the 
apparition of this new power whicji is to struggle 
with Great Britain for the mastery in places where 
she had long reigned the most supreme. From 
Aden to the Ionian isles we must pursue iier over 
wave and through f >rtress, on one continuous line 
of blood and fire, until we have swept her flag from 
the seas, and buried her fleets in the ocean. We 
uiust throw down her places of strength; we must 
despoil even her gardens of "plea.saunce." Yes, 
su: to this dreadful extremity must we bring her^ 
■ •efore slie can agree to conclude the contest upon 
terms which would destroy her most cherished sen- 
timent of national pride, and probably lead to the 



destruction of the mightiest empire which, as yet 
the world has known. ' ' 

If we are to obtain what gentlemen have promised 
us, such must be the war which we are to 
wage. What, Mr. Chairman, must be the con- 
sequences of such a war upon ourselves and our in- 
stitutions? Who can foresee these consequences in all 
their extent, or undertake to measure ihe results? 
How great would be the danger of a centrali- 
zation of all power in the fedeial govern- 
ment, and of an obliteration of the lines of State 
authonty? How many hundreds of millions of 
debt should we entail on ourselves and our posteri- 
ty.' How far should we fall into the lower depths 
of the paper system.' To how distant a day in the 
Greek calends should we postpone those great 
democratic reforms which we had fondly hoped we 
were about to introduce, and for which we have 
labored so long and often with such doubtful suc- 
cess? We should go into the war a free, happy, 
and moral people. Who can undertake to foretell 
the extent and na,ture of the transformations w hich 
we may undergo before we come out of it, or who 
can measure the waste of all the elements of hii- 
man happiness and social order which such a war 
would occa.'^ioii? Should we be justified in the eyes 
of God, or of mankind, for thus perilling the great 
interests of our country and of humanity for the 
sake of obtaining possession of Oregon a few years 
earlier, when we are sure of acquiring it a littie la- 
ter by honoral>Ie and peaceful means? Could we 
be justified in exposing the country to such ex- 
tremity if there be even a probable chance of ac- 
quiring the territory by means not only peaceful 
but cotnpatible with our honor? Or if war and such 
a war be inevitable, ought we not to postpone it un- 
til we have more men, more means, more resources, 
and more auspicious circumstances for its com- 
mencement? But, Mr. Chairman, it may be said 
that in my view of the probable consequences of 
such a war as that must be which should lead to 
such a conclusion as is promised, I have virtually 
admitted that the republican system of policy is 
practicable only in time of peace.' Such is not my 
opinion. We have not had time as yet to intro- 
duce or mature our system. The ideas upon which 
they rest are not fully possessed by the public 
mind. They require time and a period of peace for 
their full development. But if once matured and 
developed, I believe they would enable our govern- 
ment and people to stand the shock and pressure of 
war with far greater ease and buoyancy than under 
any other cour.se of policy. I, for one, am of the 
opinion that if wewere now to plunge into war we 
should fall into some of the worst forms of the paper 
system, owing to the remains of what I believe to 
be a wrong idea once implanted in the public mind; 
and yet I believe that the expenses of a war could 
be far better sustained without these abuses of that 
system than with them-. I have long thousht that 
we suffered almost as much in the iast war from 
such abuses s from the British troops. But, P.lr. 
Chairman, 1 have yet another answer. Tiie genius 
of our institutions IS pacific— they were not organ- 
ized for distant and offensive warfare. For defen- 
sive war I believe they are the strongest in the world, 
for they bring to its aid the united hearts of our peo- 
l)ic. We were not organized for a career of war and 
conquest, and 1 thank God for it; for then we should 
have required a far more despotic form of govern- 
ment, and we might have stood as fair a chance as 
any to become the curtc of mankind, instead of being 



^^ 



their benefactors, as I maintain we liave been bv 
the example of our institutions and our progress 
We have always been proud to believe that ours 
was a higher and more glorious destiny: we have 
believed u to be our destiny to achieve our triumphs 
in the useful arts of peace, to subdue the difficuliies 
and master the secrets of nature, to adorn and culti- 
vate the earth, to mtroduce a new and a higher civili- 
sation, to develop better forms of social and political 
organization, and to minister to the progress and the 
universal peace and happiness of mankind bv the 
beneficent example of a free and happy people who 
were wealthy without rapine, strong without Jrime 
great without war, and peaceful without fear To- 
wards these great and benficent ends we have already 
done much; and in doing it we have won more true 
glory than if, like Tamerlane, we had left pyramids 
of human heads as the monuments of victory or 
hke Attila or Alaric, the scourge of God and the pest 
of nations, ravaged and desolated the earth in the ' 
storm of our warfare. Our thousand of miles of rail- 
roads and canals which have thrown down the har- 
riers of nature to the affiliation ©four people and to 
the common and kindly interchange of so much that 
ministers to the happiness of ma;}, are far nobler 
monuments to the genius of a people than the col- 
umn of Trajan or the palace of Blenheim. These 
are the monuments which are worthy our name and 
our destmy. 

But, Mr. Chairman, I return to the inquiry which 
1 was pursuing. I have endeavored to give "-entle- 
raen the advantage of their own suppositions; and 
m whatever way I have turned the tapestry for 
them, the picture has st-emed to be forbidding But 
most so in that aspect which gave us the picture of 
war waged to such extremeties as some gentlemen 
have promised. But is there a real probability that 
the war would be waged to such extremities by two 
nations whose powers of mutual annoyance are so 
great, and whose capacitir^ for mutual benefit are 
so large." Is is not likely that both nations would 
tire of a contest so destructive and bloody and a-ree 
to^terminate it by an arbitration which, iii the uni'^er- 
saiopmion of the civilized world, is considered a fair 
and honorable mode of adjusting national differences' 
feir, 1 believe that if there should be war, it will 
most probably terminate in an arbitration, and thus 
we should have an arbitration and war, when we 
we might have had an arbitration without a war 
Could any man hesitate between such alternatives' 
iSut gentlemen here are against an arbitration 
1 myself wish to avoid it. and I believe this may 
easily be done by means which most probably 
would secure us the whole territory in peace and 
honor. Let us refuse to give the notice; leave 
the negotiations to stand where they are; for we 
have novv' done all that it becomes us to do in the 
line of negotiation. We have offered a compromise 
upon liberal terms which has been refused, and we 
have manifested a proper desire for peace. Let us 
now rely upon our superior means of colonization, 
"brreat liritain has elected to leave the ultimate pos- 
session of ihe territory to depend on our relative ca- 
pacities lor settling it. In this contest, the advan- 
tages are on our side, and it must end in putting us 
in possession of all that we claim. We thus avoid 
the ciiance of losing the territory altogether. There 
are genilemin, I know, who are disposed to smile at 
this; but let me remind them that, in comparing our- 
selves wuh Great Britain, they must remember that 
there are some theatres where we are her superior 
there aie others where we are her equal ind 



I there are others, again, upon which peculiar and 
sometimes transient circumstances give her the su- 
periority. In a war for Oregon, at this time, she 
possesses superior advantages in her long-establish- 
ed and sedulously-cultivated influence over the In- 
dian tribes, in the command of the forces of the 
Hudson Bay Company which are at hand, and in 
the facility with which she could transport troops 
from her various stations on the Pacific. But if we 
wait a lew years, the balance of power must change. 
Circunristances will cast it on our side as they now 
do on hers; and in a contest— if contest there must 
be for Oregon— we sliall be found the stronger party 
in that territory. But it has been said that, if we 
refuse to give this notice, we shall violate our na- 
tional honor, liow.' Has our sensibility on thia 
point been just now awakened > From 1818 to this 
day we have never felt this joint occupation to be a 
stain upon our national honor. Has it ever been 
pretended until recently that it was a dis<rrace to 
continue the convention .' Is there anything^dishon- 
oiable in adjourning a dispute, without the least sur- 
render of our rights, and upon terms which give us 
every chance of acquiring peaceably all that we 
Claim.' Ihe ether party, with her eVes open, hr-s 
insisted upon placing the determination of the con- 
troversy upon this issue, in which the advantages are 
all on one side. Is it not a wiser as well as a more 
moderate mode of disposing of the matter to abide 
by these terms .' Let things remain, then, as they 
are, and let us pass such measures as may encour- 
age our settlements in the disputed territory without 
contravening any treaty stipulations. Thousand-^ ' 
or even hundreds of thousands, expended in judi- 
cious measures for colonization would do far more 
or our ultimate possession of the territory, «nd be 
far better appropriated than millions lavished on the 
uncertainties of an unnecessary war. I put it sir 
to considerate western men— to those who desire 
Oregon more than war— if such a course of policy he 
not the wisest which we can pursue with reference 
even to the single end of acquiring the territory which 
they so much desire. I know^hat the gentlemaf 
from Indiana, [Mr. Owen,] has said that the Hud-' 
son Lay Company would interpose obstacles to our 
settlement north of the Columbia river, by buyi-io- 
out those of our citizens who attempted to pW 
themselves on that side. Ho has mentioned one 
case in which he has known that to be done Pos- 
sibly there may have been more; but is not that dis- 
tinguished gentleman too well aware of the <^reat 
laws of trade to suppose that they would long keep 
up that game.' Besides, this is a game at which more 
han one might play. Does he, or any other man 
believe that it our settlements are once firmly plantec^ 
south of the Columbia the crack of our American 
rifles, and the sound of the axe of our western pio- 
neer will not in due time, be heard not only north 
of that river, but north of the 40lh parallel' 

But It IS said that England will not allow this, and ■ 
that If this course of policy be attempted, she will 
ere long give notice herself, and declare war up- 
on us Let her if she chooses; let h.er if she dares, 
bhe then would become the aegressor, and in such 
a war we should be sustained not only by our own 
conviction of right, but by the general sympathies 
ofmankind. It would unite m-r people instantly 
and eflectually; and with one heart and with one 
mmd, they would rally to the rescue of national 
rights and national honor with all the advanta'-es of 
previous preparation, and with the .spirit whidi has 
heretofore distinguished them. But is it probable 



that she would do this? Is she in a position to do 
it with her own expressed views of the grounds of 
her title? She claims a right to joint occupation in 
Oregon under the convention made in 1818, and in- 
definitely continued in 1827. Whilst this conven- 
tion continues, she enjoys the joint occupancy by a 
title to which we assent. Suppose she were to 
put an end to this convention, she would but revert 
to her title under that of Nootka Sound, by virhich 
sheherself claims only a right of joint occupancy, 
•and under which her own commissioners have dis- 
claimed a title to exclusive sovereignty in any por- 
tion of the territory. If she were to give the notice 
to terminate our convention, under these circum- 
stances she would stand in theattituile of abandon- 
ing a right which she held by a title to which we 
.assented, to claim it again by another which v/e re- 
fused to acknowledge. She would thus place her- 
;,self before the world as seeking war for war's sake, 
and assume the position of an unprovoked and wan- 
ton aggressor. In this attitude of affairs, how could 
she hold up her head in the face of Christendom, or 
invoke the blessings of the God of battles in a con- 
test which she had so insolently and wantonly pro- 
voked.' Cut could she have any adequate motive 
for so wanton an outrage? She can liave no in- 
terest in the jiermanent possession of this north- 
west coast. She finds far more eligible sites 
of colonization in New Holland, Nev/ Zealand, the 
Cape of Good Hope, and in the Canadas. These 
■colonies would contribute to the consolidation and 
strength of iier empire. They lie, too, in the path- 
way of her commerce. She has here territory 
enough to absorb all her immediate and prospective 
means of colonization for a century, perhaps lor 
centuries to come. It may be im[)ortant to her to 
hold there for a time certain subordinate rights of 
occupation short of the sovereignty of the country 
in Oregon. But of what use can it be to her to .set- 
tle her citizens on the norih Pacific coast? It is 
not in the pathway of her commerce, although it 
IS invaluable to us for ours. She has no back coun- 
try to supply through the little strip of settlement 
■which she might attempt upon the coast; but we 
have, and its products seek an outlet by our com- 
merce on the western ocean. But grant that she 
desires it ever so much; must she not know per- 
fectly well that the thing is hopeless ? She may 
desire it a.s the means of keeping us out, but with 
what probability of success? The mighty wave of 
our poDulation is yearly advancing westward at the 
rale of lialf a degree of longitude on a line of more 
than three hundred leagues. Could she expect her 
feeble settlements on the western coast to resist the 
-Tast, increasing, and resistless pressure, when, with 
the mighty weight of our population|from the Atlan- 
• tic to the Rocky mountains, this wave shall pour 
down the Pacific slope? Her statesmen are too 
wise to expect it; and it is not likely that, for the 
sake of the little advantage which she might have in 
that (juarter, she would expose herself to the con- 
.-fitant hazard of a war with U3. Our mutual means 
- of aiinoyance are too great; our mutual interests in a 
^reciprocal commerce are too vast for her to be wil- 
3in"- to risk the consequences of a war for an object 
fio petty to her, however important it might be to 
;us. 

But it has been said by some gentlemen that Great 
"Eritain possesses as great facilities for colonization 
in Orcon as we do; and it has been apprehended 
that she might give this new direction to the tide of 
jher emigration. 1 have no fcar.i upci thi;? subject. | 



I reason from the past to the future. If she has r>o: 
done it heretofore, it is not likely that she will do it 
hereafter. She can have no stronger mducements 
to this policy for the future than she has already 
had in the past. Emigrants from the Old World 
would no more suit Oregon than Oregon would suit. 
them. It is only by a people trained like our west- 
ern pioneers, that this territory can ever be reduced, 
to the permanent use and occupation of man. T)>e 
superiority of our means for colonization is already' 
evinced by the dilference in the character of the .so 
tlements of the two countries. Our people do not go 
to Oregon to hunt and fish, and take up s. temporary 
abode there. They go to settle the country — 
to cultivate and improve the soil — and to 
leave an inheritanoe to their posterity. The Brit- 
ish settlements, on the other hand, are temporary 
and fugitive. They go their for hunting and for hs- 
dian trade. It is no part of the British policy to 
colonize Oregon, and it never will be. The fact that 
she rests her title on the Nootka Sound conventian, 
and claims nothing more than the right of joint oo-- 
cupancy under it, wouli seem to indicate that aiie' 
considers it as a temporary station, and looks foi^ 
ward to its ultimate abandonment. If this coimtry 
is fit for agricultural settlements, and our peopk 
should seek it for that jjurpose, then by a most, 
"manifest destiny" it must be ours. 

Mr. C- ,T. Ingersoll speaking across. How, if 
they should set up for themselves? 

The .honorable chairman has asked me v.'hether 
the people of Oregon will set up an itidependent gov- 
ernment for themselves. I have no idea that they 
will. If this nation shall proceed in its pre.qent 
course, gradually occupying and taking posseasion 
of the entire breadth of the continent, from the At- 
lantic to the Pacific coast, we shall possess a coiie- 
sive strength, from our social organization, and phys- 
ical and geographical position, which must bind us in 
an indi.ssoluble union. Instead of forming separate 
and independent communities, our population would 
present to the world the glorious spectacle of a re- 
public, the greatest and the widest that the eartfi 
ever saw, with interests different, but not hostik, 
with regions distinct, indeed, but not in oppo-^ition, 
each ancillary to the other, and all contributing lo 
the general strength and prosperity. 

iVir. C. J. Ingersoll, speaking across. Bat 
how, if there should be a black tariff? 

Mr. H. continued. Let this state of things once 
come, and I tell the gentleman that we shall hoar no 
more about the "black tariflV Open to us the vast; 
Pacific market in addition to that wliich we now 
enjoy on the Atlantic, let the productions of the 
country take their natural and unrestrictetl course 
to pour themselves into both, and there will be no 
danger of hostile rivalry, of separation, or of anew 
repul)lic setting up lor itself. The ties of union 
would strengthen with every hour — mutual beneiits 
and mutual interests wouldlink us indissolubly to- 
gether. There is no danger of disunion. Oar gnja:^ 
est present danger is from rushing into a war before 
we are prepared for it. 

Mr. Chairman, 1 again appeal to all candid a«A 
reflecting men from the AV^est — to those who go for 
Oregon, and the whole of Oregon — to those who 
might desire war for Oregon, but who do not desire 
Oregon for war — I appeal to these men to say if fiic 
course of policy which would lead to such a cow- 
summation as I have described, be not the proper 
line to be pursued? If wc would see this proapec' 
realized certainly, tbo>agh gradually, we must le.i 



thiti controversy remain as it is. Let us not renew 
the negotiation; make no more offers to Great 
Britain; but let us trust to the process of coloniza- 
tion now 80 rapidly in progress, and we shall 
quietly, peaceably, and certainly obtain the whole 
of whiit we claim. I care not how glorious 
the war may be, it would be better to avcia it: for 
it is in this way alone that we may reasonably hope 

to obtain what gentlemen so ardently desire "the 

whole of Oregon." Let things remam as they are. 
It would seem to be impossible that Great Britain 
shon'.d put an end to the joint occupancy as long as 
ehe rests her title on the Nootka Sound convention, 
under which she claims joint occupancy, and noth- 
ing more. In the meantime, let us go on and fill 
the country; let us pass such measures as, without 
violating the treaty, would contribute to that end: 
and then if we should find it necessary ultimately to 
go to war, we can choose our own time for do- 
ing it. 

Butmy western friends seem disposed to reproach 
the South in this matter, as if it were ungrateful in 
tiiem to resist that mode of obtaining Oregon which 
30 many of them regard as the best. Nothing could 
pam me more than such an imputation. The South 
'acknowledges its obligations to our western friends; 
■we feel it, feel it deeply and strongly, and would 
raoat gladly requite it. This 1 believe we may do 
by pursuing such a course of policy as presents the 
Oi-iy hope of obtaining all Oregon, whilst it would 
save us from the dangers and sacrifices of a war for 
which we are unprepared, and into which we must 
enter under circumstances less propitious than they 
are ever likely to be hereafter. But whilst I advo- 
cate this as the wisest and most statesmanlike poli- 
cy, I trust that my western friends will understand 
rae. WhiLst in this matter I pursue the path which 
I have taken under convictions of duty quite as 
deep and strong as their own, 1 hope they will per- 
mit rae to follow it without reproach, so' long as I 
cast no reproaches on them for choosing a different 
route, which 1 regard as much more perilous, not 
oniy to the g; eat interests of the country, but to our 
chances for ttie ultimate possession of Oregon. 1 
will aid them in such measures as I believe wouldv 
«K»st certainly enable us to obtain possession of the 
whole country; but I cannot assist in those which 
-would probably defeat that object. 

Mr. Chairman, I am not one of those who have 
ever said or thought that Oregon was not worth a 
war. If it were a barren rock in the ocean, if it 
were a mere idle strip of seashore sand, the coun- 
try ought to fight for it sooner than suffer itself to 
be dispossessed by violence. To de|)ress the na- 
tional tone, to degrade the national spirit, would be 
far worse than war itself. I feel the solemn respon- 
aibiJay whicli rests upon us to defend by war, even, 
(if war should be necessary as the only means for 
that purpose.) every inch of American soil, through- 
out the whole length of our posse.ssions, from the 
' e.Ktreme regions of the frozen north down to the sun- 
ny slopes which look to the burning line, through- 
out their wlioie breadth, from the rising to the set- 
ting sun, from the "steep Atlantic stream" to the 
far Pacific wave. But whilst we admit the 
truth of these sentiments, let us remember, 
at the same time, that war is never justifiable 
until it becomes necessary; and before that can be 
shown we must first have exhausted all honorable 
and proper measures to preserve our riglus in peace 
I niaintain, sir, that there are such means at our dis- 
posal, and by adopting them we may not only avoid 



the dangers of war, but probably the chance of Ic 
sing Oregon. 

Mr. Chairman, I will go farther. If from the ac- 
tion of this House, or from any other circumstances, 
war should occur, although there may be southern 
men who believe that it could have been avoided, yet 
I take this occasion to say to the West, that when 
it becomes clearly necessary and presents the only 
rem.aining mode of obtaining our rights, they will 
find the South standing by the country and by them 
with heart and hand. Yes, when that hour comes — 
and God grant that there may never be a necessity 
for ii— the maxim of the gallant Decatur will find 
one universal acceptation amongst the whole 
American people — "our country, right or wrong." 
Many may be found deeply deploring, in- 
deed, the mismanagement, or the necessity, 
which has plunged the country into war, but 
they will not pause to settle the question of 
responsibility until they have first done all that be- 
comes them to preserve national rights and honor. I 
must, however, here declare, in a spirit of entire 
frankness, that if, by giving this notice, we should 
ultimately either lose Oregon or be led into an unne- 
cessary war to obtain it, those who give this notice 
will be held responsible, at the proper lime, for all 
Us consequences. It is the undoubted duty of every 
section of this confederacy. North, South, East, and 
West, to defend the national soil, and protect the 
national honor. But we owe it to ourselves, to our 
posterity, and to the great interests of humanity, to 
exhaust all honorable means of peace before we 
plunge the nation into war. Wo to the people 
amongst whom war becomes a familiar and 
a household word, and wo to the statesman 
who cultivates a spirit of violence amongst 
those whom he influences, instead of cherish- 
mg a disposition to peace. In this connexion, 
Mr. Chairman, I must be permitted to express the 
profound regret with which I have heard some of 
the remarks made in this debate. There are ele- 
ments enough of strife abroad in the public mind 
without enlisting the passions further in the work of 
havoc and ruin. It was with the deepest regret that 
1 heard members upon this floor taunting the admin- 
istration, and declaring the belief that it would 
"back out," and that it could not be "kicked into a 
war." These sounds fell on my ear like the echo«8 
of something of which I had heard before, and 
which contributed to the same result upon another 
occasion — a result for which a necessity then ex- 
isted, however unfortunate it might be now. 

There never was, there never can be, an admin- 
istration elected by the people of this country, 
which could refuse a war, if national rights and 
honor required it. None but a timid administra- 
tion can be "kicked into a war" by domestic oppo- 
nents. It requires far more courage to resist a war- 
cry than to yield to it. It sometimes requires 
more moral firmness and greater and higher qualities 
of mind to withstand the first outburst of the war 
feeling, and calmly to appeal to the sober second 
thought of a reflecting people for ultimate in- 
structions, than to be the hero of a hundred 
fields. 

Mr. Chairman, I will now say, and I desire my 
words to be noted, that if any gentleman here be- 
lieves that this notice will lead to war, and yet votes 
fur it under the hope that the President will back 
out sooner than face the result, he is utterly mista- 
ken. This administration will not back out from 
any position which it has taken in the face of the 



world, and before the American people. Whoev- 
er, therefore, votes for this measure, foreseeing, but 
not desiring its consequences, will be far more res- 
ponsible for the result, in a moral point of view, than 
the administration which has acted, as I believe, 
from an honest though erroneous conviction of 
duty. 

Mr. Chairman, I will conclude by observing, 
that I am fully aware that notliing which I can say 
will influence the action of this House. I never ex- 
pected that it would. But I have presented my 
views upon this subject fully and frankly, in order 
that I may place myself fairly before my constitu- 
ents and friends, who alone feel an interest in my 
course. My sole aim has been to vindicate myself 
■with them. Would to God that I had the power to 
reach the heart of the House and the nation ! 
Would to God that I could persuade them to be- 
ware, ere they precipitated themselves into a war, 
and exposed themselves to consequences which no 
eye but that above can measure or pur.<iue. 1 would 
beseech my countrymen first to exhaust all the 
mcan.s of preserving peace with honor. They owe 



this to themselves and their posterity, to the char- 
acter of the country, to the hopes of our race, and 
the great interests of humanity. If these measures 
should fail, and war should become inevitable, we 
should go into it a united people, with one heart 
and with one mind. We should go into it with 
those high feelings with which conscious rectitude, 
and an outraged spirit can alone inspire a man or a 
people. We should carry with us the sympathies 
of Christendom;, and, more than all, we might de- 
voutly invoke the blessing of the God of battles in a 
contest which we had alone nothing to provoke, 
and we had sought by all honorable means to avert. 
If war should become the only remedy for wound- 
ed honor bimI violated right, all will rally to the res- 
cue of the country, and to avenge its wrongs. As 
devoted as any in the glorious band, I will venture 
to say, the sons of the South will be found at the 
post of duty — not standing by, as cold-hearted 
spectators, or as laggards in the day of trial. No, 
sir; they will be found 

True to the last of their blooJ and their breath. 

And like reapers descend to the harvest of death. 



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